Mcebisi ndletyana biography of martin luther king
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Poor attendance at the launch of the ANC’s local elections manifesto shows the party no longer holds much weight with the electorate in the key Nelson Mandela Bay, which it has dominated since 1994.
Lobbying political actors to achieve particular outcomes is an acceptable practice in a democracy. But state capture, as is allegedly happening in South Africa, denotes holding the state to ransom.
Democracy resulted in a sea change in the governing ANC. In the past, only highly committed idealists joined the party. Today’s splits and factions are about patronage and clientelism.
South Africa’s governing ANC has to respond to public outcry about state capture or run the risk of electoral losses.
The general loss of faith in the economy is the most important issue President Zuma must address. More radical social and economic transformation, with emphasis on land reform will be most critical.
One of the remarkable achievements of South Africa’s Constitutional Court has been its role in improving the quality of the internal democratic processes within the governing ANC.
Jacob Zuma has backtracked on two major decisions in under two months – first after he fired his finance minister; now he says he’ll pay back public money spent on his lavish Nkandla homestead.
With the local government elections set to take place within the next seven months, it is worth considering what impact the recent upsurge in protests will have on the country’s political future.
Martin Luther King’s legacy must be contextualised within a larger global struggle against racism and hatred. Africans should revisit the values he espoused and continue with the anti-racism crusade.
The #FeesMustFall and #ZumaMustFall campaigns come from the same place. The rage has its roots in opposition to Zuma’s surrender of national sovereignty through globalising South African capitalism.
The ANC
Odonymic changes in Central Pretoria: Representation, identity and textual construction of place
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Davenport, Ro The University of Johannesburg (UJ) launched the biography of Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe, founding member and first president of the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) on Tuesday, 08 October 2019, at Auckland Park Kingsway Campus. The biography was written by Thami Ka Plaatjie, Research Fellow at the Johannesburg Institute of Advanced Studies (JIAS). Book launch: L-R: Professor Saurabh Sinha (UJ), Thami ka Plaatjie (author of Sobukwe: The Making of the Pan Africanist Leader), Professor Mcebisi Ndletyana (UJ), Professor Tshilidzi Marwala (UJ Vice-Chancellor), Dr Bongani Ngqulunga (Director of the Johannesburg Institute for Advanced Study) Speakers at the book launch of ‘Sobukwe: The Making of the Pan Africanist Leader’ expressed the need for universities to take concrete steps to ensure that Africans exist in literature. Professor Tshilidzi Marwala, UJ’s Vice-Chancellor & Principal, expressed the view that the absence of Africans in literature serves as a sober truth for both fiction and non-fiction. “We are well versed in the stories of historical figures – the stories of Thomas Edison, Abraham Lincoln, and Martin Luther King Junior. However, these biographies we consume do not often include our own stories.” “Recently, our institution launched the first of at least 12 biographies on African leaders. What the UJ Africa Biographies Project seeks to achieve is to create a platform for African stories to be told because our tapestry is rich, and there is a void where these stories should be narrated,” explained Prof Marwala. The author, Thami Ka Plaatjie said the book provides fascinating insight into what influenced the political growth of Robert Sobukwe. “Prof” as Robert Sobukwe was fondly known, is an enigma to many people. ‘I became engrossed in the search for any written material on Robert Sobukwe and would engage in long conversations about his thoughts, his principles and his life. His Since its independence in 1962, Burundi has witnessed conflicts and violence. A multitude of factors help explain these tragedies, which include the creation of a negative image of the ‘other’; an ever-strengthened fear of the ‘other’; the blood feud between the Hutus and the Tutsis; and an illusion of the dominance of a so-called ‘ethnic group’. The purpose of this paper is to underscore the part which the colonial state played with regard to the creation and intrumentalisation of ethnicity, based on racist ideologies. Since independence, the ruling elites continue to appropriate and radicalise this category. As result, they are not only able to enjoy political gains, but also simply perpetuate ethnicity with the help of an institutional framework, while pretending to fight it. The Burundi nation that was built on moral and social values such as Ubushingantahe, Ubuntu, Ubupfasoni, a love for a work well done, and the value of effort, finds itself in a trap. There is a crisis of these values, which resulted in the legitimatisation of negative forces as criteria for social promotion and access to power. The paper argues that because the Burundi issue is complex and multi-form, the solution has to be complex and multiform as well. To this effect and to be able to make an impact, it has to draw from many registers: political, institutional and cultural (the value of unity and the institution of Ubushingantahe philosophy). The paper proposes a few political initiatives which are to be taken: advocacy on citizenry, participation in the culture of democracy, memory restitution through history, and depolitisation and demystification of ethnicity. From a socio-cultural perspective, the initiatives will be based on deepening dialogue and negot Identity and Cultural Diversity in Conflict Resolution and Democratisation for the African Renaissance
The article was translated from French by Dr Marcellin Vidjennagni Zounmenou.
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